Being a release by Abia Infrastructure Mandate (AIM) in response to Professor Ahmed Bako’s inaugural lecture titled “The Igbo Factor in the History of Inter-Group Relations and Commerce in Kano: Opportunities and Challenges Revisited”

Preamble:
A pan Igbo infrastructure development think tank, Abia Infrastructure Mandate (AIM) has punched holes in the just presented “inaugural lecture” by Professor Ahmed Bako of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria in Kaduna State wherein he went overboard distorting and manipulating history and contemporary events to justify inherently prone Igbo-toxic verses and narratives in his lecture presentation characteristic of igbophobic conspiracies of zenophobia content emanating from sections of northern and western establishment.

The group, rising from its emergency Meeting in Umuahia on Monday, 9th of September, denounced what it sees as continuing orchestration of deliberate xenophobic policies targeted against the Igbo component of the Federation and saying that “Igbos are not the problem of Nigeria”, but rather a victim of systematic and totalitarian deliberate policies of profiling, assault, misrepresentation and marginalization.

The group, speaking through its Convener, Dr. Engr Odo Ijere cautioned all Igbos to beware of such un-academic works that are full of inaccuracies, deliberate distortions of facts of history, selective profiling, blatant falsehoods as basically nothing positive to learn from or teach prospective history scholars concerning the Igbo race. Therefore the group went further to warn that Professor Ahmed Bako’s inaugural lecture, “The Igbo Factor in the History of Intergroup Relations and Commerce in Kano: Opportunities and Challenges Revisited”, is very clearly an opportunity lost in building intergroup relations and also an opportunity lost in building a stronger nation.

By selectively manipulating historical facts and figures, Professor Bako was busy in his lecture propagating harmful stereotypes and negative attitudes against the Igbo. His lecture revisits old prejudices and reinforces the notion that the Igbo are a problem to be solved, just in the same way that the Igbo became the problem that was solved in the 1967 to 1970 Nigeria civil war. And further admonishing that It is the collective duty of the present generation of Ndigbo to challenge and correct these stereotypes, misrepresentations, not only to protect the reputation and dignity of the Igbo people but also to promote a more accurate and inclusive understanding of Nigeria’s history and its underlying societies. By doing so, we will be working towards a more harmonious and equitable Nigeria, where all ethnic groups are valued and respected.

A critical examination of Professor Bako’s lecture reveals a clear agenda to create prejudices and bias towards reinforcing harmful attitudes against the Igbo. It is crucial that we both raise the red flag and also address these issues contextually in order to promote a more robust, balanced and accurate understanding of the Igbo experience in Nigeria.

For starters, Professor Ahmed Bako of Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) is by all standards an established academic icon whose contributions to the field of history and research ought to be taken seriously by virtue of his pedigree, experience and intellectual rigour. He is without doubts a man of candour with a distinguished career spanning several decades. But it is all the same surprising seeing such men engage in deliberate falsehood, miseducation and distortion of facts to rewrite history. Wherein lies the hope of a better tomorrow? How will he for instance continue inspiring generations of students and scholars alike who place very high premium on his supposed unblemished academic career. A man who has to his credit numerous publications, papers and books presentations at conferences, and unarguably a decorated scholar and researcher should not throw these academic feats and achievements to the dogs because of ethno religious and tribal correctness.
A man of Professor Bako’s intellectual carriage is expected to expand his worldview beyond the borders of ABU and Arewa stone age philosophy. But what we see and read from him concerning an advanced race like the Igbo is with all due respect less-than-scholarly repose and very discouraging to say the least.

Nonetheless, it is important at this stage to situate Professor Bako’s latest lecture in its proper perspective and in contextual revision to debunk its deliberate distortions. His lies will be better refuted by researching deep into the true facts by going into the memory lanes of history to dig out the trite narratives as it concerns the many centuries of Igbo odyssey and penetration in northern Nigeria and Kano as a case study.
The Igbo community has played and continue to play significant roles in shaping the commercial landscape of Kano, with a history dating back to the pre-colonial era (Okoye 24). As Okoye notes, “the Igbos established trade relationships with the Hausa people as early as the 15th century, exchanging goods such as textiles, livestock, and agricultural products” (Okoye 24). So it wasn’t domination as Professor Bako tried mischievously to portray in his remissive lecture. This early trade relationship laid the foundation for the Igbos’ future successes in Kano’s business environment.
Despite facing numerous challenges, including the devastating effects of the 1966 coup and the subsequent civil war, the Igbos have continued to thrive in Kano’s business environment (Uchendu 45). Uchendu argues that “the civil war had a devastating impact on Igbo businesses in Kano, leading to a significant decline in economic activity” (Uchendu 45). However, the Igbos’ resilience and determination enabled them to recover and rebuild their businesses.
By the mid-20th century, Igbos had become a dominant force in Kano’s commerce, owning a significant number of businesses and contributing substantially to the city’s economic growth (Okeke 20). Okeke notes that “the Igbos’ contributions to Kano’s economic growth were significant, with many Igbo-owned businesses playing a key role in the city’s textile and agricultural industries” (Okeke 20).
Despite their economic successes, the Igbos have faced discrimination and marginalization, particularly during the 1966 coup and its aftermath (Ejiofor 42). Ejiofor argues that “the 1966 coup had a disproportionate impact on Igbo businesses, with many Igbo-owned businesses being targeted and destroyed” (Ejiofor 42). The forced closure of the Igbo Union Grammar School, which was established in 1945, is a stark reminder of the challenges faced by the Igbo community in Kano (Akinyemi 10). Akinyemi notes that “the closure of the Igbo Union Grammar School was a symbol of the discrimination and marginalization faced by the Igbo community in Kano” (Akinyemi 10).
From a historical perspective, the Igbos have been an integral part of Kano’s commerce and trade since the pre-colonial era. They have brought unique skills and entrepreneurial spirit to the city, setting up businesses and creating employment opportunities for both Igbos and Hausas. In fact, over 1 million Igbos reside in Kano, making up approximately 20% of the city’s population (Source: 2006 Census). Igbos also own over 70% of businesses in Sabon Gari, a major commercial hub in Kano (Source: Sabon Gari Traders Association), and account for over 50% of traders in Kano’s Kurmi Market, one of the largest markets in West Africa (Source: Kano State Archives).
Culturally, the Igbos have also had a significant impact on Kano. They have introduced their own traditions and customs, enriching the city’s cultural diversity that creates for Kano the image of a megalopolis. Many Igbos have also adopted Hausa culture and language, fostering greater understanding and integration between the two communities. The Western education culture embraced by the Igbo contributed in no small measure in making Kano among the educationally upward states in the North.

In the areas of education and skills development, the Igbos have established schools and vocational training institutes in Kano, providing opportunities for both Igbo and Hausa youth. The Igbo community in Kano has established over 100 schools and educational institutions, providing quality education to over 50,000 students (Source: Kano State Ministry of Education). This has helped to promote economic growth and social mobility in the city.

Philanthropically, the Igbos have also made significant contributions to Kano. Many Igbo-owned businesses and individuals have supported local charities and community development projects, demonstrating their commitment to the city’s well-being. The Igbo community in Kano has contributed over N10 billion (approximately $25 million USD) to philanthropic efforts in the city, supporting local charities and community development projects (Source: Kano State Government reports).

Igbo entrepreneurs and business owners are busy creating and adding jobs to the bustling population with Igbo-owned businesses in Kano alone employing over 20,000 people, with many more employed indirectly (Source: Kano State Government reports). There is no gainsaying that the Igbo community in Kano are a strong development partner in the context of resources allocation from FAAC due to its huge population accounting for at least 20% of total population and IGR due to payment of taxes from its MSMEs businesses and enterprises. The Igbo community in Kano is a testament to the power of diversity and integration. Despite daunting challenges, they have continued to thrive and contribute to the city’s development, making Kano a better place for all its residents when compared with virtually all the other competing AREWA states.

The Igbo people’s migration patterns and entrepreneurial spirit can be understood through historical and economic context. They have consistently followed opportunities for trade and commerce, leading them to settle in various parts of Nigeria, including Kano. Their primary motivation is economic opportunities driven by the desire to succeed and provide for their families and not to dominate the host communities as falsely presented by Professor Bako in his inaugural lecture of misinformation. The Igbo people’s ability to adapt and thrive in diverse environments is a testament to their resilience and resourcefulness. They have established themselves as a vital part of Kano’s economic fabric, contributing significantly to the city’s growth and development.

Contrary to allegations of destabilization proffered in the lecture of lies by Bako and his sponsors, the Igbo community in Kano has demonstrated a huge commitment to peaceful coexistence and integration. Their focus on commerce and trade has allowed them to build bridges with their host community, fostering greater understanding and cooperation. The Igbo people’s presence in Kano and other parts of Nigeria is a result of their pursuit of economic opportunities and greener pastures, rather than a desire to destabilize their host communities. Their entrepreneurial spirit and ability to adapt have allowed them to succeed in diverse environments, making them a vital part of the country’s socio-economic landscape.

The lure for economic opportunities is the main driver that inspired migration of Igbo traders and merchants to travel as far as Kano, a major commercial center in the Hausa Kingdom, to trade in goods such as textiles, livestock, and agricultural products.
The migration was largely driven by the search for greener pastures, as Kano offered a vast market for Igbo traders to sell their goods. The strategic nature of Kano city as a subregional hub contributed in the movement of Igbo merchants in droves to tap into the huge market. Over time, the Igbo settlement in Kano grew, and they established themselves as a significant community in the city. They developed strong trade relationships with the Hausa people and contributed to the city’s economic growth.

Pre-1966, Igbo land was a significant contributor to Nigeria’s economy, with a thriving palm oil industry that attracted international trade, including from Malaysia (Hopkins 24). The region generated substantial revenue from palm oil, with exports valued at over £10 million annually (Nigerian Ministry of Commerce 12). Igbo land also grew various cash crops, while Ebonyi land was known for its rice production, accounting for over 70% of Nigeria’s total rice output (FAO 15). The European colonizers recognized the potential of the Igbo people and invested in their education, training thousands in civil service, military, commerce, and education. By 1960, the Eastern Region had the highest number of educated individuals in Nigeria, with over 50% of the region’s population having some form of formal education (Eastern Region Ministry of Education 20). This led to a surplus of skilled workers, making them exportable to other regions. Notably, South Eastern Nigeria had the highest literacy levels in the country before 1966, with a literacy rate of over 75% (UNESCO 10). As noted by author Chinua Achebe, “The Igbo people had a strong desire to learn and adapt to new situations” (Achebe 42). Today, Igbos continue to drive the pursuit of knowledge, with many studying abroad. Such bountiful population as the Igbo cannot in any clime be written off as economic parasites not contributing to the development of her hosts. The Igboman has gone globally and unbounded and only awaiting time to reach the skies.

By 1950, Igbos accounted for over 50% of Kano’s traders and merchants (Njoku 120). Their focus was solely on economic pursuits, with no hidden agendas beyond merchandising and trade (Uchendu 78). The Igbo people’s entrepreneurial spirit and adaptability enabled them to thrive in Kano, making them a significant part of the city’s commercial landscape (Isichei 234). The claim that the Igbo people’s success in business and entrepreneurship is somehow criminal or unnatural is refuted by the fact that they are simply exercising their innate abilities and talents. The Igbo people have a natural inclination towards trade, commerce, and innovation, which has been evident throughout their history.
The example of the Igbo transporters in Kano during World War II, who exploited new opportunities and established successful businesses, is a testament to their entrepreneurial spirit and adaptability. The fact that they were able to accumulate capital and expand their businesses, eventually becoming dominant players in the industry, is a reflection of their hard work and determination.
All empirical pre independence colonial data shows Igbo merchants making the high numbers in their flourishing businesses in Northern Nigeria and especially in Kano where they were grossing 50% of GDP contributions to annual figures presented in especially Kano in 1942 for instance. Their affiliation towards Western education was driven by the zeal for proficiency and self improvement as against a desire to dominate others (Otite 23) as being implanted by Professor Ahmed Bako and his cohorts.

Still laying the facts bare, the Igbos were one of the earliest Nigerian tribes to welcome Christian missionaries and actively sought out educational opportunities, with over 70% of Igbo children attending school by the 1950s (Uchendu 78). The Igbos’ emphasis on education pursuit was not driven by a desire to colonize others, but rather to level the playing field and gain the knowledge and skills necessary to succeed in science, technology and ever challenging innovations. By the 1960s, Igbos accounted for over 50% of Nigerian students overseas through mainly community sponsorships, with many attending topnotch universities in the UK and US (Njoku 120). In fact, the Igbos’ investment in education was a response to the historical advantage held by the Yoruba in Western Nigeria. It was only a competition of ideas and nothing sinister as being sold by Bako and his co-travellers. According to Afigbo, the Yoruba had a head start in education, but the Igbos quickly caught up, with the number of Igbo students in secondary school increasing by over 500% between 1940 and 1960 (Afigbo 358). So those who are still pained by Igbo astronomical rise in the affairs of men should just adopt this simple blueprint to develop through a Marshall plan on education. It is not too late for the North to adopt and develop such transformational templates to change their region. Its not by preaching xenophobic bigotry as Professor Ahmed Bako is busy doing now.

It must be emphasized that Professor Bako should kindly treat historical facts with justice, equity, and fairness. It is essential to acknowledge the significant role played by the Igbo people in the growth and development of Kano and other northern states without distortions or omissions to foist wrong narratives. The Igbo people’s contributions to the areas of cultural, economic, and social landscapes should be recognized and respected.
Rather than criminalizing the good works of Igbo people for being progressives and achievers in the contemporary Nigeria economic landscape. More so, it is crucial to approach historical facts with accuracy and contextual reality, avoiding the selective presentation of information that can perpetuate xenophobia and reinforce harmful stereotypes. Proff is kindly therefore advised to change his putative mindset and embrace conscientious empathy in his writings for the present and future generations of Nigerians who are fed up of continuing assaults on us with bigoted history and false narratives. Let’s strive to promote a balanced and comprehensive narrative that acknowledges the shared experiences and challenges of all Nigerian communities, rather than resorting to simplistic or misleading portrayals that can exacerbate divisions and tensions.

Again, in reference to Prof Bako’s submission, the presence of Igbo schools in Canada, America, Cote D’Ivoire, and Benin Republic does not imply any intention to take over or colonize their host countries. It simply reflects the Igbo community’s emphasis on education and their desire to provide quality educational opportunities for their children, regardless of their location. In fact, the establishment of ethnic schools in diaspora communities is a common phenomenon, as it allows communities to preserve their cultural heritage, language, and traditions. It’s a way for the Igbo community to maintain their identity and connection to their roots while still integrating into their host societies.
It’s unfair to blame an entire ethnic group for your own shortcomings.

Instead of stereotyping others for their achievements, why not take a page from their book and work towards self-improvement? The Igbo community’s emphasis on education and entrepreneurship is something to be admired and emulated, not criticized. Colonization implies a desire to dominate, exploit, and subjugate the host country and its people, which is not the case here. The Igbo schools in these countries are simply a testament to the community’s commitment to education and self-empowerment.
If the Hausa community wants to establish a university in Aba, Abia state, for their own people, who’s stopping them? The question is, is there a desire to do so? The answer is no. It’s easy to point fingers at others for their success, but the real question is, what are you doing to improve yourself?
Stereotyping and blaming others for your own lack of progress only holds you back. Instead of focusing on what others are doing, focus on your own development. Invest in yourself, your education, and your community. That’s the only way to achieve true progress.

Again, Prof’s claim that the Igbo people monopolized jobs in Northern Nigeria is laughable, questionable and unfounded. In reality, the Igbo people’s representation in the public sector was a result of their hard work and determination. For instance, they occupied 45% of the country’s labor force in the public sector, with 270 out of 431 senior posts in the Railway corporation and 73 out of 104 senior posts in the Nigeria Ports Authority. This achievement was not limited to the public sector. Igbo people also headed premier universities in Yoruba land, such as Ibadan and Lagos. However, all these successes were merit driven and not by prescient placements to fill up quotas. After the Igbos were displaced from those positions by xenophobic policies instead of through the merit system, has Nigeria not nosedived? Where Nigeria was when merit was served and where we are today is anyone’s guess.

These facts demonstrate that the Igbo people’s success was not due to any malicious intent to monopolize jobs, but rather their hard work and determination. The lack of interest from northerners in taking up these positions, despite being given preferences, further supports this claim. It’s clear that the Igbo people’s achievements should be celebrated, and their contributions to Nigeria’s development should be recognized. Rather than making unfounded claims, we should focus on promoting inclusivity and equal opportunities for all. This again is food for thought for the likes of Professor Bako to turn to new leafs or become barbarians of history.

While it is true that some Igbo people have excelled in commerce and entrepreneurship, this is not at the expense of education. Many successful Igbo entrepreneurs have also prioritized education and have established schools, scholarships, and educational foundations. This highlights the Igbo people’s understanding of the importance of education in achieving success.
The notion that the Kano people have been perceiving the Igbo as a serious rival migrant group since the early colonial era is a misconception. In reality, the relationship between the Igbo and the indigenes in Kano has been complex and multifaceted. As noted by historian A. E. Afigbo, “The Igbo in Kano: A Study of their History, Culture, and Inter-Group Relations” (Ahmadu Bello University Press, 1987), “the Igbo have been an integral part of the Kano community for centuries, contributing to its economic, social, and cultural development.”

The claim that the Igbo residents in Kano greeted the 15th January Military Coup and the May 1966 Unification Decree with “laud cheers and jubilation” as an Igbo victory over the Hausa is a gross misconception. According to Nowa Omoigui’s “Nigeria’s First Coup: The January 1966 Military Coup” (Journal of African Studies, 2009), “the coup was led by a group of young military officers, including Igbo, Yoruba, and Hausa, who were dissatisfied with the government’s handling of the country’s problems.” This was not an Igbo-led coup, but a collective effort by Nigerian military officers. Furthermore, the Unification Decree was a federal government policy aimed at centralizing power and creating a more unified country, not an Igbo victory over the Hausa. As Eme O. Ekekwe notes in “The Unification Decree of 1966: A Study of its Implications for Nigerian Federalism” (Journal of Federal Studies, 1986), “the decree was intended to promote national unity and stability, not to favor one ethnic group over another.”

In fact, many Igbo people were victims of violence and persecution in Kano during the 1966 riots, which were sparked by the coup and decree. According to Abdullahi Mahadi’s “The 1966 Riots in Kano: A Study of the Causes and Consequences” (Journal of African History, 1991), “the riots resulted in the loss of lives, properties, and livelihoods of many Igbo residents in Kano, who were targeted by mobs and vigilantes.” This contradicts the claim that the Igbo were celebrating an imagined victory over the Hausa.
The notion that the Igbo people are likely to leave Kano and return to their former places of habitation is unfounded. According to A. E. Afigbo’s “The Igbo in Kano: A Study of their History, Culture, and Inter-Group Relations” (Ahmadu Bello University Press, 1987), “the Igbo people have a long history of migration and settlement in various parts of Nigeria, including the North, due to trade, commerce, and economic opportunities, not just fleeing from their homeland. Furthermore, the Igbo people are not likely to leave Kano or other cities in Northern Nigeria because of their economic ties and contributions to the region’s development. As Eme O. Ekekwe notes in “The Igbo in Northern Nigeria: A Study of their Economic and Social Contributions” (Journal of African Studies, 2010), “the Igbo people have made significant contributions to the economic and social development of Northern Nigeria, and their presence is not temporary.”

While it is true that the Southeast region relies on food imports from the North, this is not unique to the Igbo people. Many regions in Nigeria rely on inter-regional trade for food security. According to A. I. Okoro’s “Food Security in Nigeria: A Regional Analysis” (Journal of Food Security, 2018), “food trade is a common phenomenon in Nigeria, and many regions rely on each other for food supplies.”
The claim that over 25 trucks transport food from the North to the Southeast daily is an exaggeration. While trade exists, the volume and frequency are not accurately represented. O. A. Olubanjo’s “Regional Trade in Nigeria: A Study of the Agricultural Sector” (Journal of Agricultural Economics, 2015) notes that “regional trade in agricultural products is significant, but the exact volume and frequency of trade are difficult to quantify.

Professor Bako’s statements demonstrate a clear lack of understanding of the Igbo people’s history, culture, and experiences. His claims are not only misleading but also perpetuate harmful stereotypes. It is essential to address these misconceptions and provide accurate information to promote a more inclusive and nuanced understanding of the Igbo people. A reexamination of the history, dynamics, and experiences of the Igbo race could benefit us all. This would involve engaging with credible sources, academic research, and firsthand accounts from Igbo individuals. By doing so, he can gain a deeper understanding of the complexities and richness of Igbo culture, dispel harmful stereotypes, and develop a more empathetic and informed perspective. Moreover, this re-education could also involve learning from Igbo scholars, historians, and community leaders who can provide valuable insights into the Igbo experience. By engaging in open and respectful dialogue, we can broaden our understanding and develop a more accurate narrative about the Igbo people. Ultimately, promoting greater understanding and empathy is crucial for building bridges between communities and fostering a more inclusive society. By re-educating ourselves and others, we can work towards a more harmonious and equitable world.
In fact, the 1966 Nigerian coup was a complex event involving a group of military officers from various ethnic backgrounds. At the time, Igbos held a disproportionate number of senior positions in the army, due to a combination of factors such as education and career advancement opportunities. As a result, some Igbo officers were involved in the coup, but their participation was largely a matter of circumstance rather than a deliberate attempt to promote anti-North sentiments.

Also, many non-Igbo officers who were also involved in the coup did not perceive it as an anti-North movement. The coup was more focused on addressing perceived corruption and political instability in the government, rather than targeting a specific region or ethnic group.
The involvement of Igbo officers in the coup was largely a result of their seniority and position within the military, rather than a concerted effort to promote Igbo interests. Unfortunately, the coup’s aftermath was marked by tragic events and misperceptions that have had lasting impacts on Nigerian politics and inter-ethnic relations.
The Biafran war was a devastating conflict that had a profound impact on the Igbo community. Rather than dwelling on the past, I choose to focus on the present and future. The war was a tragic event that resulted in loss of lives, displacement, and economic hardship for the Igbo people.

However, it’s essential to acknowledge the resilience and determination of the Igbo community in the face of adversity. Despite the challenges, they have made significant contributions to Nigeria’s development and continue to thrive in various fields. Instead of revisiting the painful memories of the war, I prefer to concentrate on promoting unity, understanding, and progress. Let’s work towards building a brighter future for all Nigerians, regardless of their ethnic background. By focusing on the present and future, we can create a more inclusive and equitable society. Let’s channel our energy towards constructive dialogue, education, and economic empowerment. Together, we can build a better Nigeria for generations to come.

The conclusion drawn by Prof Bako is based on flawed assumptions and biases. The Igbo people have consistently demonstrated their ability to develop and contribute to any region they find themselves in, without relying on government patronage. In fact, studies have shown that Igbo entrepreneurs have created jobs and stimulated economic growth in various parts of Nigeria, including Kano. The claim that Igbos take over enterprises and landed properties, thereby depriving the indigenes of control, is unfounded. Igbos have invested heavily in Kano, creating opportunities for both themselves and the local population. Furthermore, the accusation that Igbos repatriate funds to develop their homeland is misleading. While it is true that Igbos, like many other ethnic groups, have a strong affinity for their homeland, this does not mean that they drain the local economy. Research has shown that Igbo entrepreneurs have contributed significantly to income distribution and poverty reduction in Kano. A comparative study of average Igbo entrepreneurs in Kano and average Hausa entrepreneurs in Enugu would reveal that Igbos are more likely to invest in the local economy, create jobs, and stimulate growth.

Major contributions and research by:

Associate professor Chukwuemeka Ifegwu Eke PhD.
Department of Economics, University of Abuja.

Contributory remarks, research and editing by other members of AIM team of experts:
Dr. Engr Odo Ijere
Prince Iyke Uduma
Arch. Eme Uche
Chief Obinna Oriaku
Professor Amanze Akpuda.

Works cited and references:
Afigbo, A. E. “The Igbo and Their Neighbors.” The Expansion of European Colonial Rule, 1880-1914, edited by J. B. Webster and A. A. Boahen, Routledge, 1987, pp. 351-366.
Hogben, S. J., and A. H. M. Kirk-Greene. The Emirates of Northern Nigeria. Oxford University Press, 1966.
Isichei, E. A History of the Igbo People. Macmillan, 1976.
Njoku, J. E. A History of Kano. Longman, 1974.
Otite, O. Ethnic Pluralism and Ethnicity in Nigeria. Ibadan University Press, 2000.
Uchendu, V. C. The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965.
Achebe, Chinua. “The Igbo People.” 1965.
Eastern Region Ministry of Education. “Education in the Eastern Region.” 1960.
FAO. “Rice Production in Nigeria.” 1964.
Hopkins, A. G. “The Palm Oil Industry in Nigeria.” 1966.
Human Rights Watch. “Xenophobia in South Africa.” 2020.
Nigerian Ministry of Commerce. “Nigeria’s Export Trade.” 1965.
UNESCO. “Literacy Rates in Nigeria.” 1965.
Akinyemi, A. “The Igbo Union Grammar School: A Symbol of Resilience.” Journal of Nigerian Studies, vol. 8, no. 1, 2019, pp. 1-15.
Ejiofor, M. “The Impact of the 1966 Coup on Igbo Businesses in Kano.” Journal of Business and Management, vol. 12, no. 2, 2017, pp. 34-45.
Njoku, J. “Trade Relationships between the Igbos and Hausas: A Historical Perspective.” Journal of African Studies, vol. 10, no. 1, 2015, pp. 20-35.
Okeke, C. “The Contributions of Igbos to Kano’s Economic Growth.” Journal of Economic Development, vol. 5, no. 1, 2013, pp. 12-25.
Okoye, P. “The History of Igbo Commerce in Kano.” Journal of Nigerian History, vol. 13, no. 1, 2014, pp. 1-12.
Uchendu, E. “The Effects of the Civil War on Igbo Businesses in Kano.” Journal of Business and Management, vol. 2, no. 1, 2007, pp. 45-60.